The last conservative national convention in Orlando signals the future of the Republican Party

The last conservative national convention in Orlando signals the future of the Republican Party

Orlando: A land where dreams come true not only for the millions of children and families who visit each year, but now, perhaps, for activists and politicians as well. The aim of the recent high-level conference supporting the newest movement of the rising right, the National Conservative Party, was to do so on the political front. The National Conservative Conference laid out a new, right-wing vision for an uncertain future.

The conference took place from October 31 to November 2.

The high-level conference featured speakers such as Senators Ted Cruz (R-Texas), Josh Hawley (R-Missouri), and Marco Rubio of Florida (R).

Although the convention attracted politicians from all over the United States, many local GOP activists, activists, and elected officials were also in attendance, including State Representative Anthony Sabatini of Howey-in-the-Hills, who is currently running for Congress. 7 in a hypothetical attempt to impeach current Representative Stephanie Murphy.

Many consider the movement to be the intellectual nucleus of the neo-conservative wave.

The movement can be divided into three distinct groups.

First, people over 50 who are veterans of conservative circles who have recently changed their views, have shifted to the right as a result of the actions of the radical left.

Chris Demuth, a prime example, served for many years as president of the American Enterprise Institute, which some have called “the Church of England for American Conservatives.” Although Demuth is now a populist.

“NatCons are conservatives who have been robbed by reality,” he said at the conference. 73-year-old Glenn Lowry, an economist at Brown University, was a conservative, then a progressive, and now he’s right back: “What happened to the public discourse about race made me radical.”

The second group consists of mid-career politicians and clients seeking to better navigate the era of populism (including the likes of Ted Cruz (Princeton, Harvard), J.D. Vance (Yale Law), and Josh Hawley (Stanford and Yale).

The third and largest group is the young, coming of age in the age of Facebook, MSNBC, identity politics, and colleges stifled by progressive rhetoric. This group responded to the sanctity of academia by running in the other direction.

The information age brought about changes that led to national conservatism by forcing the movement to look at the bare facts of society. The libertarian idea of ​​”starting your own Facebook if you don’t like it” seems much less attractive in light of the quasi-monopolistic status of the most powerful companies in Silicon Valley.

At the heart of this blue tyranny are the corrupt techno-capital masters, the big tech leaders who secretly decide what ideas to promote, and what stories to suppress.

“The ambition of the left is to create a world that transcends belonging,” Hawley said. “Their great ambition is to break up the United States of America.”

In the minds of the conference attendees, this ambition depends to a large extent on changing the culture, that is, the control of institutions.

Left attack on America. “The left hates America,” Cruz said. “It is the left that is trying to use culture as a tool to destroy America.”

The imitation of the left’s tactics resonates as one of the ways many in attendance hope to resist them. Although some like black conservative Glenn Lowery championed Western liberalism and the current framework for change, countless others launched outright attacks on the idea as if it was too far away.

Despite the right’s reputation for anti-Semitism, many of the conference’s biggest supporters and organizers were Jews themselves.

Yoram Hazoni, the main intellectual architect of the conservative nationalist movement, is an Orthodox Jew who went to Princeton before moving to Israel. He argues that you can’t have a society that embraces the neutrality of government and tries to alienate values ​​into the private sphere. The public world is ultimately robbed of private values, especially when public communications are controlled by a small elite of oligarchy. If conservatives want to stand up to the pseudo-religion of the awakening, they must put traditional religion at the center of their political project.

Another Israeli political philosopher at the conference, Ofir Hevry, argued that Americans should not delude themselves into believing that the state is built on high-profile liberal ideas, such as the Bill of Rights. A nation is, instead, a cultural tradition, a common language, a set of rituals and beliefs, and a religious system – a collective cultural identity.

Heffrey explains that the history of Judaism shows that you don’t need a state or political system to be a nation.

Hazoni argued that American cultural identity is Christian—and it should be if it did not succumb to the awakening attack. Hazoni argues that if 80 percent of Americans are Christian, then Christian values ​​should dominate. He said, “Majority cultures have the right to establish the ruling culture, and minority cultures have the right to decent treatment.” “To take the opinion of the minority and say that the minority has the power to annihilate the opinions of the majority – that sounds completely insane to me.”

This shift in opinion regarding traditional orthodox Republican ideas may indicate a move toward more pragmatic, state-oriented solutions, a sort of “Theodore Roosevelt moment,” and a move away from Reaganism. The conference is a microcosm of the shifting winds that pPolitical observers would be wise to keep their eyes open: the preservation of “big government” may be around the corner, perhaps not close enough to a beleaguered and exhausted Republican Party.

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